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Nehar Deah
Mishpatim
On the Blessing and on the Curse
The topics dealt with in parashat Mishpatim are many and varied. Among
the many, we have chosen to deal with one: “You shall not revile
God, nor curse a prince of thy people” (Shemot 22:27). The two hemistiches
of the written verse, constructed in the poetic format of correspondence,
parallel “God” with “prince” and “[do] not
revile” with “nor curse”. The two Hebrew roots of the
verbs “revile” and “curse” are opposites of the
verb “bless”, as can bee seen, for example, in: “…
and I shall bring a curse upon me, and not a blessing” (Bereishit
27:12); “And I will bless them that bless you, and those that curse
you will I revile” (ibid 12:3).
The Bible reflects man’s faith in the power of blessings and curses,
as if the words which come from a person’s mouth, especially the
more exalted members of the nation, the elders and prophets, have the
power to alter the flow of events in favor of the blessed and to the detriment
of the cursed. This faith in blessings and curses has many faces, various
types of amulets or bowls with words of protections and aid carved on
them, ceremonies to invoke curses and taking of vows and suchlike. This
faith also has a morally problematic aspect: man is likely to misuse blessings
and curses to bring good to evildoers or evil to those who do good. It
seems that this is the reason that our morally exacting religion wishes
to uproot this faith and teach us that only God, the highest judge, who
judges his world with complete righteousness, is able and permitted to
bless and curse, to bring good and evil. This is seen clearly in two stories
from the Torah.
When Rebecca wishes to transfer to Jacob the blessing her elderly husband,
Isaac, has earmarked for his firstborn, Esau, her plot apparently succeeds
(Bereishit 27), but the reader realizes that it is not on the strength
of the stratagem or the deception that Jacob is blessed, but rather due
to the fact that God intended him for greatness, as he foretold to Rebecca
even before her two sons were born: “Two nations are in your womb,
and two peoples shall be separated from your bowels; and the one people
shall be stronger than the other people; and the elder shall serve the
younger.” (Bereishit 25:23). The blessing which Jacob gained by
deception therefore did not change the preordained course of events.
From the story of Balaam we find evidence, similar to the preceding,
as to the strength of the opposition to the popular view and to the power
of man to curse. When Balak wishes to curse Israel he turns to Balaam
with a request: “Go now therefore, please, curse for me this people;
… for I know that he that you bless is blessed, and which you curse
is cursed” (Bamidbar 22:6), but Balaam answers him saying, “If
Balak would give me his house full of silver and gold, I could not transgress
the word of the Hashem my God, to do any thing, small or great”
(ibid, verse 18), and he continues: “And now, have I now any power
at all to say any thing, the word that God puts in my mouth, that shall
I say” (verse 38, see also Devarim 23:6 and Yehoshua 24:9-10). Blessings
and curses are for God alone.
Therefore, the prohibition against cursing God and princes does not express
a fear of harm that the curser may bring upon the cursed, but rather an
important principle, that it is incumbent upon a person to honor those
who are higher in status than they are – God, who rules over the
earth and all it contains, and the prince, a human ruler. Therefore, “to
curse/revile” is also the opposite of “to honor”, for
example: “And I will be yet cursed than thus … and with the
handmaids whom thou hast spoken of, with them will I be honored”
(Shmuel II 6:22).
As well as the verses we are dealing with, cursing God is also mentioned
in the Book of Iyov (Job). Iyov is worried that his sons might have sinned
in the drinking of wine, “and they ‘blessed’ God in
their hearts” (Iyov 1:5), and therefore he brings a burnt offerings
as atonement. As disasters pile up upon Iyov, his wife pleads with him:
“’bless’ God and die” (2:9), and it is clear that
the use of the term “bless” here is “sagi nahor”
(euphemism. literally “great light”), a result of the desire
to avoid using the harsh expression, cursing God.
In the story of the vineyard of Naboth (Kings I 21), the unscrupulous
Queen Jezebel stages a trial, with a resulting death penalty, against
Naboth and witnesses testify against him claiming that “Naboth ‘blessed’
God and King” (verse 14; see also verse 10). Naboth’s refusal
to sell his vineyard to the king is interpreted by the Queen as cursing
the King. Naboth reason for refusing, “Hashem forbade me that I
should give the inheritance of my fathers to you” – the use
he makes of the name of God – is used by the Queen as a pretext
for accusing him of cursing God.
Another explanation which distances us from the concept of cursing God
– other than “sagi nahor” – is the interpretation
of the word “Elohim” in the verse not as referring to God,
but rather to flesh and blood, a reference to judges. This is a widespread
tradition in biblical commentaries, literature of chazal (literally, “our
sages of blessed memory”) and translations, although it is not the
simple interpretation of the text. It seems that this interpretation finds
support in our verse, since the second hemistich of the verse speaks of
flesh and blood, the prince, but in reality the intention of this precept
is: it is not only God that we are forbidden to curse, but also any human
ruler.
Additionally, on the issue of the identity of those we are forbidden
to curse: it seems that in the story of Naboth, mentioned above, Jezebel
quotes-hints at the aforementioned precept, but substitutes “king”
for “prince”. This precept is also hinted at in Yesha’ayah
(Isaiah) 8:21: “and curse by their king and by their God”.
It may be that in the manner in which this precept echoes through the
story of Naboth and the words of Yesha’ayah, we can find reference
to an earlier wording: “You shall not revile God, nor curse a king
of thy people”, and it seems that at some stage the word “king”
was substituted with “prince”, which was common form of rulership
in ancient tribes (see Bereishit 23:6; Shemot 34:31). This substitution
probably results from the Bible’s ambivalent attitude to the institution
of monarchy. It is not coincidental that the Torah only has one law which
deals with the monarchy (Devarim 17:14-20), a law which assumes that a
monarchy in Israel will not come about due to God’s will but rather
in answer to the children of Israel’s desire to emulate the rulership
of the nations. The law of the monarchy in the Book of Devarim even clarifies
that the king is subject to the laws of the Torah, in the same manner
as any other Jew, and he does not have even the slightest preference over
his fellows. From this same trend of avoidance of the concept of monarchy,
the prophet Ezekiel prefers to refer to the king as “prince (for
example 12:10; 19:1; 21:17), and the Septuagint, the Greek translation
of the Bible, translates the term “king” in Devarim 17, as
“prince”. In the scroll of the “Damascus Covenant”,
the author refers to the law of the king in the Book of Devarim, and paraphrases
in the same style: “and about the prince it is written, he should
not increase his wives” (5:1-2). From all this we learn that it
is possible that the law in Shemot which we have before us today has already
been changes from it’s original form based on ideological reasons.
Professor Yair Zackovitz
Department of Bible Studies
Folklore – Amulets
Various objects – from nature (such as an animals tooth, a head
of garlic) or man made objects worn around the neck, carried on ones body
or kept close to a person out of the belief that they have the power to
bring them good luck, success, good health, or to save them from curses,
the evil eye, demons and evil creatures. The use of amulets has been widespread
since the dawn of history and in every nation and religion, and attitudes
towards them vary from appreciation and even veneration to contempt and
outright rejection as pure superstition. The term “kami’ah”
(amulet, in Hebrew) is known only from the literature of chazal onwards,
taken probably from a Hebrew root word meaning to bind or connect (for
example: “bind on your hand tefillin” [Tosephta D’mai
2:17]), and it seems that a kami’ah was originally something bound
to the body.
Among the Jewish amulets written in Hebrew, there is a special place
for those mentioning the various names of God (e.g. Shaddai, Tzeva’ot),
names of angels (the better known are: Raphael, Uriel, and Gabriel, and
the lesser known Smnglof and Yachbiel), and Bible verses, in full and
abbreviated. We find various amulets, Oriental and Occidental, contain
combinations of letters not immediately recognizable as words in any languages.
It seems that these words are made up of the first letter of each word
of specific biblical verses: “The secret things belong to Hashem
our God; but the things that are revealed belong to us and to our children
for ever” (Devarim 29:28) – on an amulet which gives the ability
to interpret dreams; “But against any of the children of Israel
shall not a dog whet his tongue” (Shemot 11:7) – for protection
against evil dogs; “And in the greatness of Your excellence You
overthrow those who rise up against You; You send forth Your wrath, it
consumes them as stubble” (Shemot 15:7) – against slander.
Specific biblical verses are repeatedly found in this context on amulets,
especially those that promise some form of heavenly protection.
Language – “Sagi Nahor” (“Great Light”)
“Sagi nahor”, an expression in Aramaic meaning “great
light”, is surprisingly actually an expression for one who cannot
see, a blind person (for example: “Rav Sheshet was a sagi nahor”
[Babylonian Talmud Berachot 58a]). According to a proverb from another
source (Midrash Bereishit Rabbah 35:9), those who are blind in both eyes,
refer to one who is blind in only one eye as “sagi nahor”.
According to this, “sagi nahor” has two different meanings
in the literature of chazal: a person who is completely blind or someone
who is blind in one eye. Presenting a blind person as a “great light”
comes to avoid harsh and hurtful references to his disability.
The tendency to refer to things which have an aspect of disgrace, insult,
harmfulness, a risk of attracting Satan’s attention and other suchlike
wording, by saying their exact opposite, is known already from the Bible
(“to bless” meaning in fact “to curse”) and other
ancient sources, such as the name of a work compiled in the sixth or seventh
century, devoted entirely to the issues of death and mourning. This work
lists laws and various topics from dying to burial and graves, but the
name of the work is “Tractate of Happiness”, in contrast to
the topic dealt with. Similarly, a cemetery, the resting place of the
dead, is referred to as “the house of the living” (an expression
found already in the fourteenth century), and this is also the case with
the custom of chazal to refer to “the haters of Israel” instead
of “the nation of Israel” in a negative context (for example:
“At the time of a solar eclipse – an inauspicious sign for
the nations of the world, lunar eclipse – a inauspicious time for
the haters of Israel [= meaning the nation of Israel!], because the nations
count [the months] by the sun and Israel counts by the moon” [Tosefta
Succah 2:6]). In all the above cases, concern about mentioning something
negative leads to it being expressed as its opposite.
Despite this, the expression “sagi nahor” was only coined
in the nineteenth century to describe this style of language. We find
it in the writings of Mendele the Bookseller (“And each one calls
to his friend, in the style of sagi nahor, a great intellect, meaning
a world class idiot”), or in a responsa by Rabbi David Tzvi Hoffman
(1843-1921), who writes: “we find a number of cases in which chazal
twist their language in order not to bring forth words of revilement or
badness from their mouths, and this language is called the language of
sagi nahor”, and since then this expression has become part of our
language with the poet Avraham Shlonsky even creating the title: “descriptions
of modesty sagi nahorayim”.
History – The Damascus Covenant Scroll
Approximately one hundred years ago, while living in England, the researcher
Shneur-Zalman Schechter discovered, among part of the Cairo Geniza, 18
worn pages, written in Hebrew, which had been copied between the 10th
and 14th centuries, and which he described as the “most important
find” from the Geniza. He published these pages, together with an
introduction, in 1910 under the title “Fragments of a Zadokite Work”.
Schechter surmised that this was a work which reflected the religious
laws of one of the cults from the Second Temple period and anti-cult polemics
found in the literature of chazal, can then be understood as being in
response to issues dealt with in it. The publication of Schechter’s
work lead to a wave of research, some of which doubted the origins of
the text or its cultic origins, but due to the First World War and Schechter’s
death the interest in it waned. Before his death, Schechter expressed
the hope that additional pages of the work would be discovered which would
“reveal the complete truth”. He hoped but could not know that
within a few decades his hope would be realized.
With the discovery of the Judean Desert Scrolls in the 1940’s and
1950’s, this work garnered renewed and intensive attention. Among
the scrolls were found additional copies of this work, mostly incomplete,
some of which paralleled those that Schechter publicized and some of which
added to them. In this way the overall structure of the work was revealed
– it opens with a description of the history of the sect and continues
with its extremely stringent religious laws and its decrees – and
this allowed its language and characteristics to be reconstructed with
greater clarity.
As far as we know today, this work comes from the world of the Judean
Desert sect and was compiled by a part of the sect, that at some stage
left the land of Israel and moved to the near Damascus or alternatively
moved to an area of the Judean Desert they referred to as “Damascus”
(and from this we have the name of the work: the Damascus Covenant Scroll).
Research into the history of religious law in the nation of Israel has
been enriched by the discovery of the full version of the “Damascus
Covenant Scroll”, and many areas in ritual law – for example
laws of the Sabbath, marriage, court system, forbidden foods, leprosy,
vows – gained important clarification, as this scroll aids in filling
the time gap between the commandments and laws of the Torah and the religious-law
literature of chazal, which begins with the Mishna, which was compiled
at the beginning of the third century of the common era.
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