galil

 


Golda Meir


Almost all the historic leaders of the State of Israel lived on a kibbutz. The ex-Prime Minister, Golda Meir (1898 – 1978) was born in Kiev and emigrated to the United States at the age of eight. In 1921, she arrived in Palestine with her husband and settled in Kibbutz Merhavia near the city of Afula. Fifty years later, she recalled her memories for the readers of Midstream:

Golda on the kibbutz

 

It required no less than three general meetings to decide to accept us, my husband and me, together as a whole, and still it is only thanks to the support of the former fighters of the Jewish Brigade, who were for the most part from the United States, that we were accepted… The comrades did not want anything to do with us, first because I was American and then because we were married. Since everyone was single, they only accepted single people. The girls also had some reservations: after eight years in Palestine, they knew everything… about American girls. […]

When we arrived, Merhavia was already equipped with houses, inherited from the cooperative that was there before the First World War. A kitchen had been set up in a barrack. […] Its windows opened to Afula, which at the time was an Arab village located at the terminus of the train that risked going that far. […] The first colonists settled in Ein Harod; in general, they arrived on the noon train – lunchtime! One day, we saw about twenty men disembark to be fed in addition to the thirty members of the kibbutz. A comrade who worked in the kitchen then..., said:
“Don’t worry, as long as I am here, there will always be enough for us to eat.”

He took the large kettle of hot water that we used to make tea and poured its contents in the pot of simmering soup, which even then was not particularly thick. On that day, there was enough soup for everyone including for those who were just passing through. […]

The only thing that drove me crazy was the barhash (the miniscule flies that filled the air at the beginning of the summer). […] I was convinced that the day would come when the marshlands would be dried out and we would no longer fear malaria, but I had difficulty seeing how we would rid ourselves of these damned flies. In the summer, we would begin working at four in the morning since as soon as the sun rose, it was impossible to remain in the fields because of the flies. We would smear ourselves with Vaseline (when we had some) and would wear long sleeved shirts with high collars and would wrap our heads in scarves. When we would go inside, we did not have less barhash in our eyes, ears and nostrils. Even the cows deserted the fields when the flies invaded them. I succeeded in finding solutions to all my problems – except for that of the barhash.

The babies then began to arrive. My eldest, Menachem, was born in Jerusalem where I waited until he was four months old before returning to Merhavia. In the meanwhile, three other babies were born at the kibbutz itself. Our houses were made up of two rooms, a large one and a small one. We had placed the four babies in the large room in one of them and I took the small room for myself, announcing to the others:

“Why assign a governess to each baby?”

In this way, I was entrusted with the four, saving the kibbutz three governesses per night. Everything was going well, apart from the fact that we only had one baby bottle and that a rumor was spread in the kibbutz saying that, “Golda’s babies were drinking alcohol”: this was the result of my persistency in sterilizing the baby bottle after each baby drank from it, disinfecting it with alcohol and with fire. Furthermore, since this gave rise to costs, I had to fight a constant battle against the comrades who considered this precautionary measure to be unnecessary. I even persisted in sterilizing the washbasin in which we bathed the babies.

The most widespread disease that raged throughout the country during this period was malaria […]. It was a source of despair as much as the barhash; a high temperature, severe headaches, the total loss of appetite to the extent that you could not even tolerate the idea of food. I was in charge of the hen house and of the incubator that we had just acquired (the “gigantic” incubator for five hundred eggs, if I am not mistaken, was the first of its kind in the country) when it was my turn to catch malaria. I remember that while I was lying in bed, burning with fever, no one had thought about giving the chicks water to drink, so that when my fever diminished and I was able to get out of bed, I discovered that some had died of thirst. Then my fever rose again and I had hallucinations in which I saw the room filled with dead chicks.

In conclusion, I would like to repeat what I have already said more than once: I felt so good in Israel – for fifty years now - that I never thought that I had made a sacrifice in coming here and it never occurred to me that I deserved to be praised for having remained here.

G .Meir, The First Days in Kibbutz Merhavia

 

Transforming the kvutsa into a kibbutz


The growth of the founding cell – kvutsa in Hebrew – would provoke many debates about the size of the ideal commune. Some pioneers supported a group of tens of members; others advocated extending it to hundreds of members. The birth of babies would settle the debate and would hasten transforming the kvutsa into a kibbutz, more communal than personal. The term kibbutz was not even defined until 1925 during a convention that gathered the representatives of the first twenty-five kibbutzim. The proposals put forward were economic cooperation between the kibbutzim and the mutual solidarity of their members. They reiterated the principles that had crystallized during the course of the years; strict equality, the priority of the community over the couple and the individual, collective childrearing, the centrality of work, the interdiction of any form of private property, the democratic process to make decisions, etc.


Surveying the land
Nevertheless, one of the members of Deganya, Shmuel Dayan, very soon reproaches the kvutsa for “curbing individual liberty with its collectivisim”. Based on this, Eliezer Joffe proposed a new model of settlement – the moshav – in order to reconcile the aspirations of the individual and the interests of the collectivity. The land would be divided in equal parts among the families who would cultivate the plots without resorting to external labor; purchases and sales would be jointly organized; the collective institutions would be reduced to the minimum. In autumn of 1921, three settlers, including Shmuel Dayan, survey the land destined to receive the first moshav that would bear the name of Nahalal. The following account allows us to imagine the efforts they had to make to redeem the portion of land allotted to them:

Surveying the land

 

I returned with two comrades to explore the marshland, measure the area, locate the springs and mark the traces of the paths of the flow. The situation was particularly discouraging and we wavered between hope and fear, similar to the sun that dimmed with the passage of the clouds… We particularly dreaded malaria together with black fever. […] We walked in silence, depressed, discussing drainage methods: “Isn’t the country covered with marshland, we pointed out, so who are we to be choosy?”

We came upon an old man, a native of the region:
“What are those ruins, sir?”
- A village.
- Which village?
- A German village.
- What became of its inhabitants?
- They died.
- Do you personally remember them?
- The village no longer existed when I was born.
- No one took the Germans’ place?
- An Arab village was established on its premises.
- What happened to it?
- It fell into ruin.
- What became of the people?
- They all died, he replied as he was preparing to leave.
- Are you saying that it is impossible to live here?
- How could you with all those evil spirits and that contaminated water? Anyone who drinks it immediately begins to swell and dies after three days.

The old man’s remarks would echo like an ominous prophecy…, more than likely: death, death, death… The people who succeeded each other in the village were all dead. Will our lot be better? […] The silence was broken by the voice of the youngest among us who asked:
“Do we really want to live her?
- We must conquer the land, decreed the second, who was assailed by doubts.”

The third began to develop a plan to drain the waters, recalling the marshland upon which Hadera was founded. When we left the hill, we knew that in spite of everything, we would not change our minds and that we would establish a village on this piece of land.

S. Dayan, in Arlosoroff, Grodzensky and
Schmuckler, ed., Hechalutz


Eighty families would implant themselves in these lands. The moshav developed in concentric circles around public buildings that consolidated the offices, the school, the washhouse… The houses formed the first belt; the farming facilities, the stables, the granaries and the hen houses formed the second; then the fields, which also spread out in concentric circles towards the exterior. The majority of moshavim will copy this model and later on it will be copied in Asia, Africa and South America within the framework of the agricultural assistance provided by Israel to the third world countries during the Sixties.

A non-failure


Today, three kibbutz federations represent less than 3% of the Israeli population. The Takam, the United Kibbutz Movement with almost one hundred and eighty kibbutzim is within the Labor stream; the Kibbutz ha-Artzi, which has eighty, is within the socialist stream; and the Kibbutz ha-Dati consolidates sixteen religious units. For a long time, the kibbutz was considered a model of the actualization of socialism, arousing the curiosity of researchers and attracting volunteers from all over the world in search of a communist internship. The passage by Martin Buber (Vienna, 1878 – Jerusalem, 1965), the Jewish philosopher of the first half of the 20th century, was unceasingly invoked to describe its popularity, if not its success:

A non-failure

 

Nowhere else in the history of the cooperative settlement was there that unflagging groping in the form of communal life that corresponds to this group of determined men, that renewed manner of trying, of settling down to a task, of being critical and of trying again, that thrusting forward of new branches from the same trunk and with the same kind of impetus. Nowhere else was there that vigilance in the face of one’s own set of problems, that constant personal confrontation, that tenacious will to understand them, that permanent battle to overcome them, which is only rarely externalized in words. Here and only here were the organs for self-knowledge formed for the nascent community whose perceptions provoke it to despair once again. But this despair annihilated a tender hope in order to give rise to a greater one, a hope that only grows on the ground of despair and that is no longer a feeling, but a great work. Consequently, with the greatest sobriety that is suited to general examination and to reflection, it could be said that at this unique point in the world and in spite of all that has partially failed, one must recognize, nevertheless, that it is a non-failure – and as such, an exemplary non-failure.

M. Buber, Utopia and Socialism

From the beginning of the Eighties, the kibbutz experiences a serious crisis and searches for a new vocation. The current evolution threatens – or promises – to change its way of life. Industrialization has overturned its agricultural principles and has altered the work ethic inherent to it. The time when communist principles prevailed is in the process of disappearing with the specialization of tasks and the differentiation of functions and revenues. A greater diversity in the cross-section of ages, the new forms of instruction and even in the positions taken on political questions creates some… class differences. The children, henceforth, live with their parents and in most of the kibbutzim, meals are readily eaten at home. Ideological motivations are increasingly giving way to expediency, comfort and convenience.

The history of the kibbutz will remain identified with “the teapot scandal” that refers to the rousing debates stirred up by the question of knowing if the members of the kibbutzim would or would not have the right to keep a personal teapot. Because after the teapot came clothing, the radio, the television, the car, the house. Finally, the kibbutz is in the process of becoming a communal village where collectivism will be nothing more than a beautiful memory…

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