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Dreyfusgate
The Saga
5. NEW EVIDENCE?
Bernard Lazare's consistent efforts began to pay off in other ways:
he had posters put up in the streets, showing side by side the
bordereau and Dreyfus' letters. A banker named Castro recognized
the handwriting of his client - Esterhazy - and informed Mathieu
Dreyfus. Taken together with the conclusions of Scheurer Kestner,
it was a sign Esterhazy's time had run out. In a letter to War
Minister, General Billot, dated November 15, Mathieu denounced
Esterhazy. General Pellieux was put in charge of the investigation.
The right-wing press immediately opened fire. An article in La
Libre Parole, probably written by Henry, showered abuse on Picquart,
accusing him of being the linchpin of the plot against Esterhazy.
Le Figaro published letters by Esterhazy, in which the count showed
himself in a markedly unpatriotic light. General de Pellieux concluded
his report by sending Esterhazy for court-martial. But he also
asked for a Commission of Enquiry into Picquart's fitness for
service. Amazingly, Esterhazy was acquitted in three minutes,
without any dissenting opinions among the judges. Picquart was
confined to the Mont-Valerien Fortress. Scheurer-Kestner was not
re-elected Senate Vice-President. The press had more impact on
the government more than on public opinion. The first attempt
to reopen the case had failed, lacking press support, while the
right-wing press had demonstrated its power in protecting Esterhazy.
Neither the authorities nor the parliament had been willing to
take the issue up again, against such formidable opposition.
A NEW TACK
The answer had to lie with a single individual. Writer Emile Zola,
who had for several years been sickened by the nationalist and
anti-Semitic campaigns and had early on concluded that Dreyfus
was innocent, became involved in the campaign through
an open letter that he wrote to the President of the Republic.
Zola decided to use the powerful press as his instrument to carry
out what has been termed the greatest revolutionary act of the
century. In a few hours, over 200,000 copies were sold of Zola's
article "J'accuse" (I accuse), published in L'Aurore on January
13, 1898. It has been called the "greatest day" of the entire
Affair, and at a point when hopes were at their lowest ebb, it
certainly injected strength and confidence into the pro-Dreyfus
camp. Zola had dealt a decisive blow in the battle for public
opinion, cutting through political interventions and silent petitions
to bring the debate out into the open. In under a month, he transformed
the Dreyfus Affair into a public issue. The authorities had no
choice but to defend themselves.
Under parliamentary pressure, the President of the Council agreed
to institute legal proceedings for libel against Zola. The real
battle was about to begin. Dreyfus, whom Zola had turned into
a myth, remained the centre of the struggle. Those in the pro-Dreyfus
camp were amazed at the scale of developments. Since he was to
appear before a civil court, Zola thought that he would be able
to confront public opinion directly with the Affair, and have
it evaluated in the full glare of publicity, without any in camera
proceedings, as if he was appearing in Dreyfus's stead.
From this critical moment on, the Affair proceeded along two parallel
tracks. On the one hand, the State threw all its repressive forces
into trying to shrink the Zola trial to an ordinary libel case
and to prevent the Zola case from being tied up with the Dreyfus
case, which had already been decided; and on the other hand, the
battle for public opinion tried, outside official settings, to
force the hand of either the government or Zola's judges in order
to have the Dreyfus case reconsidered or the author of J'accuse
himself found guilty as charged. Maximum sentence was passed on
Zola: a stiff fine and one year in prison (in actual fact, he
served one month and left for England).
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Created: 18/12/00
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