The idea which I have developed in this
pamphlet is a very old one: it is the restoration of the Jewish State.
The world resounds with outcries against the Jews, and these outcries
have awakened the slumbering idea.
I wish it to be clearly understood from the outset that no portion of
my argument is based on a new discovery. I have discovered neither the
historic condition of the Jews nor the means to improve it. In fact, every
man will see for himself that the materials of the structure I am designing
are not only in existence, but actually already in hand. If, therefore,
this attempt to solve the Jewish Question is to be designated by a single
word, let it be said to be the result of an inescapable conclusion rather
than that of a flighty imagination.
I must, in the first place, guard my scheme from being treated as Utopian
by superficial critics who might commit this error of judgment if I did
not warn them. I should obviously have done nothing to be ashamed of if
I had described a Utopia on philanthropic lines; and I should also, in
all probability, have obtained literary success more easily if I had set
forth my plan in the irresponsible guise of a romantic tale. But this
Utopia is far lees attractive than any one of those portrayed by Sir Thomas
More and his numerous forerunners and successors. And I believe that the
situation of the Jews in many countries is grave enough to make preliminary
trifling superfluous.
An interesting book, "Freiland," by Dr. Theodor Hertzka, which
appeared a few years ago, may serve to mark the distinction I draw between
my conception and a Utopia. His is the ingenious invention of a modern
mind thoroughly schooled in the principles of political economy, it is
as remote from actuality as the Equatorial mountain on which his dream
State lies. "Freiland" is a complicated piece of mechanism with
numerous cogged wheels fitting into each other; but there is nothing to
prove that they can be set in motion. Even supposing "Freiland societies"
were to come into existence, I should look on the whole thing as a joke.
The present scheme, on the other hand, includes the employment of an existent
propelling force. In consideration of my own inadequacy, I shall content
myself with indicating the cogs and wheels of the machine to be constructed,
and I shall reply on more skilled mechanicians than myself to put them
together.
Everything depends on our propelling force. And what is that force? The
misery of the Jews.
Who would venture to deny its existence? We shall discuss it fully in
the chapter on the causes of Anti-Semitism.
Everybody is familiar with the phenomenon of steam power, generated by
boiling water, which lifts the kettle-lid. Such tea-kettle phenomena are
the attempts of Zionist and kindred associations to check Anti-Semitism.
I believe that this power, if rightly employed, is powerful enough to
propel a large engine and to move passengers and goods: the engine having
whatever form men may choose to give it.
I am absolutely convinced that I am right, though I doubt whether I shall
live to see myself proved to be so. Those who are the first to inaugurate
this movement will scarcely live to see its glorious close. But the inauguration
of it is enough to give them a feeling of pride and the joy of spiritual
freedom.
I shall not be lavish in artistically elaborated descriptions of my project,
for fear of incurring the suspicion of painting a Utopia. I anticipate,
in any case, that thoughtless scoffers will caricature my sketch and thus
try to weaken its effect. A Jew, intelligent in other respects, to whom
I explained my plan, was of the opinion that "a Utopia was a project
whose future details were represented as already extant." This is
a fallacy. Every Chancellor of the Exchequer calculates in his Budget
estimates with assumed figures, and not only with such as are based on
the average returns of past years, or on previous revenues in other States,
but sometimes with figures for which there is no precedent whatever; as,
for example, in instituting a new tax. Everybody who studies a Budget
knows that this is the case. But even if it were known that the estimates
would not be rigidly adhered to, would such a draft Finance Bill be considered
Utopian?
But I am expecting more of my readers. I ask the cultivated men whom I
am addressing to set many preconceived ideas entirely aside. I shall even
go so far as to ask those Jews who have most earnestly tried to solve
the Jewish Question to look upon their previous attempts as mistaken and
futile.
I must guard against a danger in setting forth my idea. If I describe
future circumstances with too much caution I shall appear to doubt of
their possibility. If, on the other hand, I announce their realization
with too much assurance I shall appear to be describing a chimera.
I shall therefore clearly and emphatically state that I believe in the
practical outcome of my scheme, though without professing to have discovered
the shape it may ultimately take. The Jewish State is essential to the
world; it will therefore be created. The plan would, of course, seem absurd
if a single individual attempted to do it; but if worked by a number of
Jews in co operation it would appear perfectly rational, and its accomplishment
would present no difficulties worth mentioning. The idea depends only
on the number of its supporters. Perhaps our ambitious young men, to whom
every road of progress is now closed, seeing in this Jewish State a bright
prospect of freedom, happiness and honors opening to them, will ensure
the propagation of the idea. I feel that with the publication of this
pamphlet my task is done. I shall not again take up the pen, unless the
attacks of noteworthy antagonists drive me to do so, or it becomes necessary
to meet unforeseen objections and remove errors.
Am I stating what is not yet the case? Am I before my time? Are the sufferings
of the Jews not yet grave enough? We shall see.
It thus depends on the Jews themselves whether this political pamphlet
remains for the present a political romance. If the present generation
is too dull to understand it rightly, a future, a finer and a better generation
will arise to understand it. The Jews who wish for a State shall have
it, and they will deserve to have it.
- - -
Palestine or Argentine?
Shall we choose Palestine or Argentine? We shall take what
is given us, and what is selected by Jewish public opinion. The Society
will determine both those points.
Argentine is one of the most fertile countries in the world, extends over
a vast area, has a spare population and a mild climate. The Argentine
Republic would derive considerable profit from the cession of a portion
of its territory to us. The present infiltration of Jews has certainly
produced some discontent, and it would be necessary to enlighten the Republic
on the intrinsic difference of our new movement.
Palestine is our ever-memorable historic home. The very name of Palestine
would attract our people with a force of marvellous potency. If His Majesty
the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could in return undertake to
regulate the whole finances of Turkey. We should there form a portion
of a rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed
to barbarism. We should as a neutral State remain in contact with all
Europe, which would have to guarantee our existence. The sanctuaries of
Christendom would be safeguarded by assigning to them an extra-territorial
status such as is well known to the law of nations. We should form a guard
of honor about these sanctuaries, answering for the fulfillment of this
duty with our existence. This guard of honor would be the great symbol
of the solution of the Jewish Question after eighteen centuries of Jewish
suffering.
- - -
The Army
The Jewish State is conceived as a neutral one. It will
therefore require only a professional army, equipped, of course, with
every requisite of modern warfare, to preserve order internally and externally.
The Flag
We have no flag, and we need one. If we desire to lead
many men, we must raise a symbol above their heads.
I would suggest a white flag, with seven golden stars. The white field
symbolizes our pure new life; the stars are the seven golden hours of
our working-day. For we shall march into the Promised Land carrying the
badge of honor.
- - -
Conclusion
- - Here it is, fellow Jews! Neither fable nor deception!
Every man may test its reality for himself, for every man will carry over
with him a portion of the Promised Land – one in his head, another
in his arms, another in his acquired possessions.
Now, all this may appear to be an interminably long affair. Even in the
most favorable circumstances, many years might elapse before the commencement
of the foundation of the State. In the meantime, Jews in a thousand different
places would suffer insults, mortifications, abuse, blows, depredation,
and death. No; if we only begin to carry out the plans, Anti-Semitism
would stop at once and for ever. For it is the conclusion of peace.
The news of the formation of our Jewish Company will be carried in a single
day to the remotest ends of the earth by the lightning speed of our telegraph
wires.
And immediate relief will ensue. The mediocre intellects which we produce
so superabundantly in our middle classes will find an outlet in our first
organizations, as our first technicians, officers, professors, officials,
lawyers, and doctors; and thus the movement will continue in swift but
smooth progression.
Prayers will be offered up for the success of our work in temples and
in churches also; for it will bring relief from an old burden, which all
have suffered.
But we must first bring enlightenment to men's minds. The idea must make
its way into the most distant, miserable holes where our people dwell.
They will awaken from gloomy brooding, for into their lives will come
a new significance. Every man need think only of himself, and the movement
will assume vast proportions.
And what glory awaits those who fight unselfishly for the cause!
Therefore I believe that a wonderous generation of Jews will spring into
existence. The Maccabeans will rise again.
Let me repeat once more my opening words: The Jews who wish for a State
will have it.
We shall live at last as free men on our own soil, and die peacefully
in our own homes.
The world will be freed by our liberty, enriched by our wealth, magnified
by our greatness.
And whatever we attempt there to accomplish for our own welfare, will
react powerfully and beneficially for the good of humanity.
Source: Theodor Herzl The Jewish State, revised
translation by Scopus Publishing company and further revised by Jacob
M. Alkow. Dover Publications.